Political corruption is a serious problem that limits the development of emerging economies. Many scholars have identified corruption as the new enemy of democratization, accusing it of limiting the political and socio-economic development of most developing countries (Bardhan P., 1997; Seligson M., 2002, Canache D. and Allison M ., 2005). Although no one can truly measure “corruption” due to its discrete nature and the different discourses that define it, citizens' perception of corruption can give us an idea of ​​its direction. Many current approaches to the study of corruption take into consideration the importance of corruption perception indices (Johnston 2005, Acemoglu D. and Robinson J. 2001, Canache D. and Allison M., 2005), and the availability of democratic channels such as those regular popular elections, freedom of the press, civil society organisations, private property rights and individual rights (O'Donell G, 1994). Corruption index reports such as Transparency International, LatinoBarometro, Freedom House) show widespread public awareness of mass corruption in developing countries (TI, 2011; LB 2009; FH 2010). Awareness of corruption does not seem to trigger any major demand to seriously fight corruption. The question guiding this literature review is why do citizens, after accurately perceiving corruption and perceiving it as wrong, fail to adjust their views or simply ignore the leaders or democratic institutions that govern them? The question of public tolerance towards political corruption has been evaluated by different approaches. Some scholars, for example, focus on the direct link between citizens and organizations/leaders based on cronyism, nepotism, cronyism and other informal ways of redistribution of wealth (Kurer, O. 1993, R...... half of the paper . .....the social construction of the "sense of ownership" of public institutions can lead us to understand the sense of responsibility of civil society. We have seen, for example, how to revive the sense of right of civil society towards the public. Wealth has pushed leaders in and out of power. Most South American left-wing regimes depend on this “sense” of ownership/entitlement to win elections and remain in power citizenship. government relationship, especially if it threatens their tenure in government. Further research, however, should help us understand how remittances, language, and the expectation of leaving the country contribute to the creation of a passive/inactive civil society. Researchers of both corruption and democratic theory should consider these approaches.